" AN ADDRESS, 



To the People of New-Engla7icL 



kOOOOO' 



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EOPLE OF NEW ENGLAND, 

IN the name of every thing that is' dear and valuable, your 
appiness, the fame of your ancestors, the recollection of your 
evolutionary services, your sectional and national honor, and 
lie duty^you owe your country at thisTirisis, I invoke your at- 
ention to its present condition. I entreat you to reflect serious- 
^ on the following view of our public affaiVs, and of the conduct 
»f government, in particular, as it relates to'*those things which 
X present interest your feelings. 

It is offered to your consideration by one, who was born, edu- 
:ated, and lives among you : who is not elevated above, nor de- 
)res:.ed below a participation in your sufferings and enjoyments ; 
ipd who knows the high importance of your commerce, which 
le will never cease to cherish. 

He asks your confidence for your government, which is your 
shield and protection and without which you must experience 
all t're evils of discord and civil war. — He asks it, not when you 
;^re called to declare a preference for a favorite candidate; but af- 
er an important elections which has decided for years the 
course of government. At a time when the two great powers 
who rule thr^e quarters of the globe, are threatening this repub- 
•'c with destruction ; and attempts are made to subvert the insti- 
utions of civil order, to humble your government, or to dissever 
the union, and introduce all the evils which have afflicted Europe 
'or centuries. 

While foreign and civil wars have for seventeen years march- 
;d over Europe carrying death and desolation in their train, 
^'hile nation after nation has been overturned, and tyranny on 
yranny generated— while not a nation of the Old World has 
escaped these incalculable calamities, we have remained a quiet, 
)rosperous, and happy pepple. 

But the day of our adver<5ity has arrived ; coir example has ex- 
:Ued hatred, our happiness envy ; and those warring powers, 
/ho never united in any thing eke» have manifested % unity of 
entinaent in their dcaire ttT-Uestroy our republic. 



*%o-^ 







FraiTce, guided by a policy which threatens the independence 
ol" all nations, and ruled by a chief, whose law is power, whose 
reason pride, and whose object universal empire, has forbidden 
our trading with England ; has sequestered and confiscated the 
property of our merchants ; burned their ships ; and insolently, 
though indirectly, told us that we must go to war for, or against 
her. 

Will this nation submit to their insults and injuries ? WiFl it 
bend to those decrees which to us are as impotent as they are in- 
sulting ? It will not. What then shall be done ? We cannot levy 
war on her, for with her we cannot come in contact She has 
no commerce to seize, no adjacent territories to conquer. 

It only remains for us to suspend all intercourse with her, 
and to deprive her of the benefits of our commerce 

England, humbled liiy our indepedence, and revengeful in her 
temper, has never ceased labouring to promote disunion, to 
check our rising importance, and to destroy our happiness. 

To her other passions has been added, by our commercial 
prosperity, that of jealousy. 

Next to averting the evils inflicted and threatened by France, 
her first and most unremitting endeavours are, and have been, 
to cripple our navigation. 

Before the treaty of 1794, she harassed and pillaged our com- 
merce on the high seas, she retained our posts on the northern 
frontiers eleven years, and instigated the savages of those regions 
to war ; supplied them with provisions and ammunition, with the 
rifie and the tomahawk, and by tliem desolated our infant settle- 
ments. Since that period she has invariably pursued a systtiw 
destructive to our commerce, unheard of in other days, and un- 
known to the law of nations — By issuing decrees of blockade 
where she had not even a pretended force to support them. -— By 
laying invidious taxes on her manufactures for our consumption 
which were not extended to other nations ; and by unjust seizures 
and condemnations. She has seized thousands of our citizens 
while under our protection; and at the point of the bayonet, 
forced them into her service to fight her battles, and to assist in 
plundering their own neighbours and kindred. She has violated 
our rights of sovereignty,by seizing our merchantmen in our wa- 
ters ; by blockading* our bays, ports, and harbours ; and in one 
of them,by destroying the life of a citizen. Our demand of" sat- 
isfaction for the past and security for the future" proved fruitless. 
Our merchants petitioned for protection and redress. A partial 
non-importation taw was passed, to -take effect at a day then dis- 
tant, that time might be allowed herto reflect on the consequen- 
ces which must result from her continuance in this unparalleled 



system of aggression. The ministers of this Jiation were direct- 
ed tb assure her ofthe continuance of our pacific dispositon ; and 
if possihle to rcc iaim her from the course of aggression, to an 
observance ol national law.— .A treaty was formed, its merits I 
know not, but the signature on her part was accompanied with a 
reservation of I'ne right to destroy our trade if we did not resist 
the decrees of France in a manner to. her satisfactory ; and it was 
rejected by our executive. 

The partial non-importation law was suspended. Agi^iin the 
olive branch was offered, and again it was trodden under foot. 
What followed? In June, 1807, your national ship was unex- 
pectedly attacked in your waters, vour marinars were killed, 
while in the service of their country, your jTn'gafe lowered its 
flag — and from it were taken your seamen. The act was disa- 
-vo'.ved. but mark ! ! One of your seamen acting under tiie au- 
thority of your government, in contempt of it, and of this nation, 
v/as afterwards deliberately put to death. 

Is there a point beyond which a nation ought not to bear ? 
And did we not then reach that point ? Still our love for peace 
prevailed. Once more we tried negotiation, and once more we 
met insult and contumely. 

Believing we feared war, and governed by no principle other 
than misjudged self interest, she resolved to annihilate our com- 
merce, except with herself. 

In November, J 807, she, by her orders in council, resolved to 
seize and condemn all our commerce bound to any port, except 
Sweden, ofthe continent of F^n-ope. 

In short, in the language of that instrument which pronounc- 
ed us a nation, '' she h.as taxed us without our consent, cut oflf 
our trade with most parts of tlie world, plundered our seas, and 
destroyed t'.ie lives of our people.'^ 

Between these powers I will not hold the scales of an apothe- 
cary, to decide whose offences outweigh by a grain or a scru- 
ple — Xor will I detain you to refute those suggestions in favor 
of either v^'hich are offered by their partisans, or arise from jeal- 
ousy. 

Irj this situation, your executive recommended, and congress 
established an embargo. Of t!ie orders in council he had cer- 
tain, though not official intcjligfince, and the suggestions of op- 
position to th<j contrary, are founded at best in error. Here was 
presented that case in vvhicli politicians qf all parties have agreed 
that an embargo is both proper and necessary, A government 
informed of facts which clearly proved that the interests of com- 
merce were exposed to imminent haz.\rd, yet so circumstanced 
that it could not with propriety communicate this knowledge. 



In a similar case, Washington recommended an embargo ; 
and Jefferson followed the example. 

This measure presents itself in two lights. First — As a pre- 
cautionary measure ; to save our merchants from the evils of 
seizure, condemnation, and confiscation ; to bring home our 
wealth, our navigation, and our sailors, that their energies might 
be applied, when necessarj*, in support of the nation ; and for the 
moment to withdraw from that element, where alone we can be 
materially annoyed, that the aggressors might review their con- 
duct, and its consequences, before a final appeal to war. The 
wisdom of the measure for these purposes is incontestible ; and 
it has received most universal approbation. 

Secondly — As an act of coercion : by the privation inflicted, 
to teach aggressors to treat this nation with respect. In this 
light it is to be considered as a political experiment, not as the 
forerunner of the annihilation of our trade. 

If it proves successful, the afflictions of your commerce will 
cease, and never be renewed to an alarming extent. Every man 
will applaud the measure. Its preference to war is incalcula- 
ble. One gives a temporary check to our prosperity ; the oth- 
er introduces almost every evil incident to human nature. One 
can be removed when the nation wills it ; the other continues 
during the pleasure of a foreign nation. One hazards not the 
institutions of civil liberty, the other increases the power of gov- 
ernment, and lessens the rights of the people. 

If it fail, it will be forever abandoned as a means of coercion ; 
and more efficient measures adopted to maintain our commercial 
rights. 

It is said that our prosperity and happiness ought not to be 
interrupted to try a political experiment — nor have they been — 
they v/ere interrupted, and, as far as they depend on foreign con- 
cerns, destroyed by foreign powers ; and the experiment v.'as 
tried to restore them : not at their hazard. Every act of gov- 
ernment, every improvement in arts, sciences, and the ordinary 
pursuits of life ; and every effott to open a new trade, is an ex- 
periment. So was the settlement of this country, and so was 
your confederation, the declaration of independence, and the 
ionstilution. 

What is the course opposition would have pursued ? Would 
Vhey consent to pay tribute ? Tribute ! from whom ? America 1 I 
to whom ? England? It is impossible ! 1 You settkd tins ques- 
tion when you were colonies, at the edge of the Hessian sabre, 
and the Indian tomahawk, and the mouth of the British cannon. 
You were then few, poor, and infantile : without arms, without 
i-esources, and without a governinent. And on what question .' 



whether you should pay a tribute of six cents on a pound of tea ; 
a luxury of foreign t^rowih. it was the principle, wot the tax, 
that roused your passions, called your hidden energies into ac- 
tion, and in view of the astonished world, led you to triumph o- 
vdr the most powerful nation then on earth. And will you now, 
a numerous, powerful people, with the best government, replete 
with resources and arn^s, whenever you wish to sell a cargo of 
your own products to an European power, pay tribute for per- 
mission ? If you would not then pay it for a single luxury of 
Asia, will you now on all the products of America? On your 
.cotton its full value, and one fifth on all other articles. 

If you will I act up to the principles that govern you ; at the 
loss of your and your country's honor and independence. Save, 
as much as you can. As England's law stands you have to pay 
"going and returning, double freight and double charges. You 
convey your products, and the return cargo, to Lngland ; land, 
and store them ; pay storage, lightagc, wharfage and tribute ; 
and then, and then only, you may reload your vessel and sail for 
.the destined port. Vou had better petition his Gracious Majesty 
in tender regard to the ease and happiness of his American sub- 
jects, to appoint proper ofhcers at his ports and harbors in these 
United Stales, to receive your (not our) contributions ; and to 
allow you to sail direct to the ports ofdesiination. The saving 
will be great in money, and greater in feelings ; and his Majes- 
ty may grant the request, if his tidewaiters, wharfingers, bakers, 
victuallers, deputy collectors, tavern and store keepers, alarmed 
at the loss of their profits, do not object. J absolve the opposi- 
tion from the most distant thougl\| of such^ baseness. In con- 
junction with the republicans ihey have voted,'' That the United 
States cannot without a sacrifice ot their rights, honor and io- 
dependencc, submit to the late edicts of Great Britain and 
France.'* WUui then renjains ? War or inlermediary meas- 
ures 

My principal object is, to convince you beyond a reasonable 
doubt, that the national goverment merits general confidence; 
that it ever has been, and is attentive to the rights of commerce ; 
that it is your interest, as well as your duty, to yield it every 
support ; and that the separation of New England fr<)m the otii- 
ei* states would to a certainty terminate in the ruin of that part 
of the nation. 

Proceeding to elucidate these points, it will not be useless to 
consider for a moment the three great interests of agriculture, 
commerce and manufactures. They are sisters. Agriculture 
is the parent of wealth, strength, and virtue : without her, com- 
merce cannot exist, and manufactures cannot flourish : without 

A 2 



her. Hi a.otlein; 'i liot iri ancient days, no nation has become 
j*reat and powertui, except Holland ; and the circumstances 
which led to her piosperily, have long ceased to exist. 

The v/ealih of the farmer is fixed 4 it cannot be removed or de- 
stroyed. It is visible ; ills tangible; it possesses an inherent 
power of producing- vcalth ; and it lor ever remains a corner 
stone and pillar of national security. This employment gives 
health and energy ; he knows no country, other than his own ; 
aad he and the manufacturer are ever at their posts, ready to de- 
fend the nation, 

The wealth of the merchant, as well as himself, may be here 
to day, to-morrow in Europe. They may be withdrawn the 
moment they are the most wanted This wealth, is fleeting and 
transitory, it has no country, no home. It seeks all climates ; 
and for all it has nearly an equal respect ; laboring only ior self 
multiplication. Hut agriculture flourishes most when commerce 
is most active ; and the manufacturer thrives better when aided 
by both, than when deprived of either. 

The principal oftiit fou)- reasons which induced the formation 
of our constitution, was to give life to commerce, and through it 
to derive a revenue. 

Recur to the period between peace and the present govern- 
ment. Did not the commercial slates enrich themselves at the 
expense of the agricultural ? Did not Maryland affect the vital 
resources of Virginia ? Did not New York and Massachusetts 
lay North Carolina, Jersey, Connecticut,and Vermont under con- 
tribution ? Did the/armer thrive, or was his visage marked witli 
the smile of content ? 

If our commerce be annihilated, will not the period of agricul- 
tural discontents and despondency return ? 

If it be transferred to a foreign power, will not that power in 
imitation of the commercial states, enrich herself at this nation's 
expense ? 

The national benefits of our manufactures are apparent ; and 
political considerations should induce us to foster them. They 
depend for their success, not less on commerce,than on agricul- 
ture. Commerce supplies the manufacturer with capital, Avith 
" raw materials ; vends his wares and manufactures in diiferent 
countries, and in different parts of the same country ; and returns 
to the artist his profit and reward 

That such is the opinion of the manufacturer is evident from 
his establishing himself, almost universally, within the reach of 
navigation ; and in the commercial parts of the country, in, or 
near towns. 

The correctness of his opinion is proved by these factSi In 



4 a^S, notwithslandiugthe infancy of our manufacUires, our mer- 
chants vcndtd in foicit^n countries two miilions seven hun Ired 
and seven thousand doiliU's worth of American mcinufactures, to 
produce which, eight hundred and eiy;hteen thousand dollars 
worth of foreign materials were used. 

No man of reflection will deny the wisdom of progressively- 
aiding our nianufacLures, by laws prohibiting the introduction of 
sijch articles as our citizens can supply at a reasonable price, or 
imposing such duties as will give them a decided advantage. 
Nor will this operate m.ir.eri'illy to the injury of the merchant^ — 
when It takes from hmi an article of impoit, it iurnishes an ar- 
ticle of export to a foreign country, or to a distant part of his 
own ; and the change will be gradual and almost impercep!il)le. 
The merchant may turn his capital to a different commercial 
channel. 

But great and sudden changes are dangerous to all govern-, 
ments , and the remark applies with additional force to a repub- 
•lic. 

Nothing is more difficult than to force the people of a pro- 
fession or a section, to abandona favourite pursuit; and to as- 
sume one which they detest, and in which tjiey are not skilled. 

It may be possible for a tyrant to effect it, by scourging his 
nation with a rod of iron. This w^apo;i does not belong to a free 
government. 

I come now to speak, of that interest, in which the greatest 
portion of your prosperity is at stake. — I mean commerce. 

In its most extensive sense, it includes the internal traffick, 
• vhich is -carried on between citizens of the same state or nation^ 
or different states, by purchase or exchange ; as well as that in- 
tercourse which is carried on between different nations and coun- 
tries by navigation. The former is usually called internal trade, 
the latter foreign commerce 

The former is calculated by economists, to be from five to 
twelve times as extensive as the latter ; varying its proportion 
according to the extent of foreign enterprise. This internal 
trade is assisted by its freedom from taxation, by the activity of 
foreign commerce, and by occasional bounties granted by states 
for the culture of particular articles. It ought to be stimulated 
by public, improved roads, canals, and bridges, and by every 
thing which facilitates internal intercourse between the sea-board 
and the country, and different parts of the interior. 

Nothing is more certain, than that as you increase the safety 
of internal transportation, and lessen its expenses, you increase 
the value of each man's farm — open an additional country to 
market, extend the amount of your products for foreign com- 



-8 

??ierce, and enlarge tue means of acquiring ti\e comforts and ele- 
gancies oi" life. — Nor is it less clear tliat by internal improve- 
ments, the national domain might be increased in value, a sum 
equal to the necessary expenditure ; so that by a judicious and 
liberal plan, the facilities of inlercourse might be furnished to 
the interior, even without the inconvenience of a temporary ad- 
vance. When to these considerations is added one of higher im- 
portance — the amalgamation of local interests and feelings which 
these improvements would produce, without injuring the rights 
of state sovereignties, is it not matter of deep regret,that notwith- 
standing the repeated attempts of the President to induce an at- 
tention to this subject, no one step should have been taken ? 
What is easier than by a rule wliich shall do equal jt stire to 
each state, to effect these necessary and ail .important improve- 
ments ? 

And is itnot worthy of serious reflection, that while more than 
twenty eight millions of dollars, have been advanced to aid for- 
eign commerce, m which five-sixths of the nation have only an 
indirect and partial benefit, net one cent l.as been advanced to 
aid the farming interest directly, although it would indirectly 
give an equal aid to commierce. 

Few men entertain a higher opinion than I do of the value of 
ibreign commerce : it produced before the revolution a great 
portion of the capital that enabled us to carry through the strug- 
gle. It generated that spirit of hardy enterprise, which aided 
by our nautical skill, severely annoyed the trade of the enemy ; 
and supplied this nation with many articles of the first necessity. 
It encouraged that love of liberty, and independence of tho\!ght<^ 
and action, which eminently contributed to our becoming a na« 
tion. 

it has since given life aad spirit to agiiculture, raised the va- 
lue of our lands, and furnished an extensive z'\merican capital, 
equal and indeed superior, t« the demands of our whole com- 
merce. A capital which may constitute a fund for the support 
of the nation in the day of nececsity. 

Nothing is more unfounded than the suggestion that Ameri- 
can commerce is indebted to Europe ; the reverse is the fact, to 
the amount of many millions. England's pretended balance em- 
braces all the, insolvencies and bankruptcies of sixty years ; and 
British merchants have nwre of American capital than sufficient 
to pay British demands. 

It has furnished funds for the most of our banks, insurances, 
turnpikes, bridges, and canals. 

To this it has been principally owing that New England has 
iirrived to her present state of improvement and wealth. In 



New England it is coeval with her existence. The revolution and 
constitution both found you highly commercial ; in that charac- 
ter you became parties to both compacts of civil government, 
and your right to a reasonable support in your favourite pursuit, 
is as clearly and fully guaranteed, as is to uny other class in soci- 
ety, its pursuits and interests. 

In further considering the rights of this commerce to the 
countenance and protection of government, its division into two 
classes will lead to a more perfect knowledge and more correct 
decision. 

First. The carrying trade. 

It is that commerce, where the merchant sends his vessel witli 
a cargo of our products or commercial capital to any foreign 
port, and brings in return the merchandize of that port, destin- 
ed for foreign consumption, or in such quantities as exceed the 
demands of our market ; and after it has been incorporated with 
the body of our merchandize,it is sent to another foreign port for 
sale. Often it is extended still further — after leaving our ports, 
it disposes of its cargo at the port of its first destination ; pro- 
cures another, sells it at a third, and so on ; till finally it returns 
home enriched with the commerce of many countries. It al- 
ways exists in a limited extent ; but its profits are principally 
derived from a state of warfare among the great nations of Eu- 
rope. 

i''rom it this nation derives the following benefits. 

1st. An annual increase of wealth drawn in time of war from 
foreign countries, equal to from ten to twenty millions ofdol- 
^Jars. 

2d. A more perfect knowledge of the commerce of the world, 
from which our merchants are enabled to make more correct 
vcalculations in favor of our necessary foreign commerce. 

5d. The increase of ouv navigation ; our feamen and their 
skill. 

4t!). A reduction of price, effected by the surplus quantities 
on hand, of from tv/enty to forty percent, on many of the arti- 
cles for home consumption. 

5th. An income to the public coffers, exclusive of the ex- 
penditure it occasioMS, equal in lime of war l)etween foreign na« 
tions, to about one twelfth of oiir revenue, — This is a tax actual- 
ly defrayed by other countries, and is the only revenue that is not 
eventually paid by the people of this nation. 

This trade merits the attention of government, and its servic- 
es by the appointment of necessary agents, by negociations-. and 
by an enrnrcement^of the law of nations as far as practicable; but 
as the vital interests of no class of cilizens. and consequently of 



10 

no section,are involved in it, its maintenance is not to be expected 
at the expense of war. 

Secondly. Necessary foreign commerce, 

This embraces the export of our products, and the importa- 
tion of such articles of foreign growth and manufacture as con- 
tribute to our necessities, comfort and happiness This com- 
merce can never be surrendered for any considerable time un- 
der any possible circumstances. — It is essential to our prosperi- 
ty and happiness, and even to our independence- It is fairly 
guaranteed to the commercial interest, and its annihilation might 
produce consequences the roost disastrous. 

To resign this commerce in the present state of the world, 
would make us vassals to England ; this nation excepted, there 
is not one that can assume the character of.neutral. t-very tnan 
■contemplales a speedy return to the accustomed relations in life, 
at least so far as to enable our farmers to vend their surplus pro- 
ducts. If we surrender our right to transport them, who can 
come here to purchase ? England only I In this state of tliings 
she would monopolize our products, reduce their amount, and 
lessen their price. — She would naturally acquire that influence 
on our politics which could not be controuled, and we should be- 
come a second Portugal. 

I have heard of a real or imaginary system of China, of a civ- 
Uzed nation supposed to inhibit foreign commerce, and of the - 
recommendation of that system, thougli not by government to 
this nation. — On this subject I have enquired, and the result has 
been, that no such system exists. 'J' hat nation studiously avoids 
foreign treaties, yet for a century and an half she has encourag- 
ed foreign commerce ; and her own citizens in their own ships' 
actually carry on considerable foreign commerce with Japan, 
Batavia, and other ports of the East Indies. But what of China, 
admitting she iimits the commerce of her subjects to her own 
provinces ? Her empire contains a third or a fourtli of the whole 
human race; a greater number of people than Europe and A- 
merica combined- and near three fourths of the population of 
Asia. Her various provinces produce almost every thing in the 
known world — Her numbers naturally furnish every order and 
every occupation in life, and lier internal trade must exceed the 
whole commerce of I AU'ope. Is this nation set before us as an ex- 
ample ? Shall a nation whose surplus produce is immense, be 
assimilated to aii overgrown nation whose population on rafts 
and shallops nearly equals ours, and who scarcely know how to 
find sustenance ? Shall the fancied system of an absolute chief 
be preferred to the laws of a country preserving the rights and 
giving scope to the energies of everj class in society ? Shall that 



11 

nautical people whose canvass whitens every sea, who lead the 
old world to new sources of commerce, force the scaly tribe to 
give sustenance to distant nations and countries, and levy trib- 
ute on the monsiers of the deep, be compared to a people igno- 
rant of astronomy, geometry, and navigation ; whose fears force 
them to keep near sight of land, and whose superstition leads 
them to offer incense in times of difficulty in lieu of those exer- 
tions on which human safety depends ? Instead of freedom, shall 
we substitute slavery ? Instead of knowledge, shall we prepare 
the way for ignorance ? Bold and intrepid navigators I Your 
country acknowledges your services, she admires the warmth 
and tenderness of your friendships, the extent of your liberality, 
the tear of your sensibility, and your firmness and patience in 

limes of suffering She will never desert your interests. But 

when the day is overcast, when the tempest lowers, and the light- 
nings play, she pauses to decide on the course of the voyage. 

It is time to return to the main subject. — Confidence the 
most durable, as well as the most rational, is derived from a se- 
ries of wise and useful actions. In the ordinary walks of life we 
do not readily believe that the agent who for years has served us 
with zeal, integrity, and ability, has in a particular instance evi- 
denced a want of wisdom, and we listen with more caution to 
those charges which impUcate his integrity. If on a compari- 
son of Mr. Jefferson's administration with those of his predeceis- 
sors,we find that his efforts have been as useful to his country as 
theirs, justice and liberality will demand for him your confi- 
dence. If they are found to exceed the efforts of others, justice 
will require you to add to confidence, gratitude. 

Let us proceed to the comparison. The facts which will be 
stated cannot be controrerted, and you will decide who has the 
highest claim to your confidence. 



12 



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^1 

I. 



This view of tlie different adminisl rations will convince every 
unprejudiced mind of ihe justice of the claim of confidence 
which I make in behalf of the national government. Bvit I go 
further, and demand your gratitude. The opposition claim the 
credit of furnishing the funds for this administration. So far as 
the internal taxes have contributed, I admit their claim, and 
yie-ld every advantage they can desire, but they have been ans- 
wered, and 1 repeat it, that the right of levying an impost, and 
the power to regulate commerce, were the most povverlul rea- 
sons that induced the constitution ; and the impost was levied by 
universal consent, two years before that difference of opinion 
which produced the present parlies. 

Neither party can justly claim the credit of the measure, but, 
if either can, it justly belongs to the republican party, for it was 
proposed in Congress by the republican President elect, on the 
eighth day of April 1789. (Debates iw Congress, volume first, 

The purchase of Louisiana has passed the ordeal of severe 
party censure, yet the history of ancient and modern times, does 
not record an act of higher political wisdom. 

It cost fifteen millions of dollars, of which three millions and 
three quarters went to the relief of our merchants. The right 
to collect our present duties for thirty years at the port of New 
Orleans would sell in market for more than tlic whole purchase 
money. 

To this is to be added the value of at least 200,000,000 acres 
of productive, v. el! situated lands ; immense public property in 
the City and Island of New Orleans ; inexhaustible supplies of 
lead and other precious^metals ; the revenues collected at Phi- 
ladelphia, Baltimore, and Nev/ York on goods sent over the 
mountains or by the northern waters, to tlsc people of these 
countries for'consumption,and all the future benefits of that inter- 
nal trade, which is now deserving attention, and will become of 
more importance to our merchants, than the whole foreign com- 
merce of the small kingdoms in Europe. 

In a political view t~he advantages derived from this purchase 
transcend the conceptions of the boldest calculator. 

It has excluded the intrigues of Europe from our western 
frontier ; and secured the people of West Pennsylvania, Ohio, 
Michigan, West Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Indiana and 
Missisippi, in a free and uninterrupted passage to and from the 
ocean, which was essential to their existence. — It has bridled the 
savages of the west, and deprived them of the aids without which 
they cannot maintain war with this nation. It has prevented 
cur citizens from niigrating to a foreign power, in nuiiTibers not 
B 2 



18 

less than thirty thousand annually', and saved us from all th^ e- 
vils of a foreign nation on our western frontier 

Next to seas, impassible mountains and impenetrable marsh- 
es are the best boundaries between nations. None can be worse 
than navigable rivers, where the citizens of different nations en- 
counter daily, and almost unavoidable collision. Is there a man 
who wishes that Bonaparte held Louisiania, or New Orleans, 
and that he should settle his disbanded veterans on the banks of 
the Missisippi ? 

It the country west of that river be too remote and extensive 
to remain always under, or a member of this nation, the inhab- 
itants some centuries hence will withdraw and set up for them- 
selves, as a son bids adieu lo the house of his father, and estab- 
lishes for himself a family ; and like the son, they will carry with 
them our principles, our love of liberty, our habi^s and manners, 
^n affectionate recollection of past scenes and an attachment to 
this nation only. 

Finally, it has relieved all our citizens west of the Alleghany 
from beings taxed by a foreign power in their neighbourhood, and 
secured to our merchants the freight of that extensive country 
and a profit on its products. A freight which in thirty years 
will require as much tonnage as is now owned in this nation. 
This country can never come in competition with any interests 
in New England, but it comes into a direct competition with all 
the states south of the Delaware, and particularly those south of 
the Potowmaek ; and the planters and farmers of those states, 
as well as the states themselves, may feel the effects of thjs com- 
petition and rivalship To New England it will be a mine of 
wealth — would to God that our other frontier was as well secur- 
ed, and much I fear that before that event happens, this nation 
will not enjoy, at one time, any considerable pt riod of tranquilli- 
ty and happiness. 

This purchase forms one ground on which I contend that the 
republican administration has paid superior attention to com- 
merce ; and however it may be thoui^ht at this day, the period 
is not remote when our merchants will acknowledge that they 
owe, a quarter or a thud of their prosperity to this act Other 
evidences in support of my claim, will be developed in the se- 
quel. 

The government is charged with artfully shaping the course 
of national affairs, so as to undermine commerce. The leading 
republicans are charged with an insidious design to overturn it 
and introduce the fancied system of China ; and the southern 
and western people are charged generally with a hatred to com- 
merce* Sorry I am to say that these charges have taken deep 



19 

root in the minds of many of you, who I know to be honest, and 
who will never surrender the rights of civil liberty. It shall be 
my endeavour to remove this belief, and to show you by proofs 
irresistible, that the charges are unfounded, or at least not sup- 
ported by a single fsct. 

Before a whole section will be agitated, before a political revol- 
ution will be effected, before the happiness, independence, and 
honor of our country will be offered on the altar of any foreign 
despot, and before the hardy sons of New England will tarnish 
their laurels, and become the despoilers of their own happiness, 
they ought to require some clear proof of the fact, from a 
source, pure and unsuspected. They ought not to rely on the 
harangues of electioneering cabals, nor the effusions of pensioned 
pi-intcrs. The proof belongs to the assailants, yet it will not be 
produced ; and ought not the inference to be, that it does not ex- 
ist ? The only evidence ever offered is, 

1st. Occasional remarks in Congress and elsewhere injuri- 
ous to commerce. 

2nd. The President's recommendation to remove the dis- 
criminating duties. 
Sd. The embargo^ 

As to the first, that they have existed is too true. They have 
arisen from the irritations produced by the remarks of your 
friends, from a want of that knowledge ©f the intimate connec- 
tion between the great interests of the nation, which all publie 
men ought to possess, and from the heated imaginations of the- 
orists. 

But in deciding this point, you will judge from the acts of 
your government, and not from these individual effusions. For 
government, can no more be answerable for them than you can 
for those denunciations against government; those threats of 
rebellion and separation which manifest a hatred to a part of the 
nation, and destroy the hard earned fame of New England. 

It is not true that the western and southern states have a ha- 
tred to commerce, the term ought at least to be softened down 
to aversion ; and in my belief the difference of character arises 
solely from the difference of condition and situation. 

But I will admit the charge in its highest latitude. What fol- 
lows? Shall we establish a separate government ? By no means! 
This imaginary evil which produces collisions of opinion, is the 
very basis of your wealth and happiness. You have to choose 
between opinions occasionally offered against your interest, and 
expressions offensive to you as men, and the rtdncuon of yt>ur 
commercial importance and your personal p osperiiv — Man 
follows the employment most congenial to his feelings and he 



20 

naturally supports what lie follows. You must either enjoy aii 
ihe benefits of your commerce, with these personal and hostile 
effusions, or you niust induce tiie people of these sections to ac- 
quire a fondness for it, i» which case they vvill not only speak of 
it with an affectionate regard, but t!\ey will become your compet- 
itors and rivals. Do you wish to sacrifice this important inter- 
est to a smile or a bow ? Do you wish to encourai^e that sen]i- 
ment which yields you more personal respect at the loss of your 
wealth and happiness? These people have the products to ex- 
port, tiie bottoms to grow the hemp, the forests to furnish the 
timber, and every other thing to contribute to the establishment 
of an extensive conur.erce. If you think that your capital, or 
your superior nautical skill will overpower them ycu deceive 
yourselves. They know tl'.at your capital, from ideal, has be- 
come solid in less than twenty years ; and the energies of their 
minds, and tlie perseverance of their labors, will not be inferior 
to yours, if you once enkindle this -passion in their bosoms. 

Their aversion to commerce is our palladium, and their effu- 
sions of a splenetic cast, are but a small tribute to which we sub- 
mit for our enjoyments. Let us go on quietly, yK?ld support lo 
the government, cultivate the best understanding with every part 
of the nation, spread our capital through the v*'estern forests, se- 
lect there every place for a ship yard, inspire their people with 
confidence, and with a knowledge of the benefits cf our inter- 
course, improve our schools, send annually into the nation, fifty 
thousand well informed active citizens, and extend the facilities 
of transacting business into every corner of New England ; and 
although from our geographical position, our direct influence 
must be small, our indirect influence will give us our just weight 
in the nation. You ought not to forget that direct influence is 
solely charged with the duty of making the nation iiappy, while ^ 
indirect influence enjoys every national benefit without any re- 
sponsibility. 

2d, The recommendation of the executive to remove the 
dAscriniinating duties For the purpose of settling the point in 
discussion, it is immaterial whether the removal of this discrim- 
ination would have injured or benefited commerce. It is due to 
the President, however, to remark, that by many eminent mer- 
chants it was^ thought to be useful. But certain it is that the a- 
motion of the discrimination, was, by the executive, designed to 
aid our merchants ; and when they were known to be generally 
averse to it, the measure was abandoned without even a discus- 
sion in Congress. This abandonment proves a respectful atten- 
tion to their opinions, as Mxll as a regard to their interests and 
feelings. 



21 

3d. The embargo. The causes which led to this measure 
have already been developed. The manner in which it was 
laid, and its extension to our products, our commerce, and our 
manufactures, as well as to our shipping, clearly demonstrated 
that its design was to produce a national benefit, not to injure the 
commercial or any other interest. Had it been limited to our 
shipping, my mind would have told me to bid adieu to national 
tranquillity and happiness. 

You have been told that your sufferings are superior to those 
of the other parts of the nation. 

The public acts of the different stales, constitute the best evi- 
dence of the extent of the evils experienced in the present state 
of the country. Evils, which you will constantly bear in mind, 
derive their origin. from the lawless tyranny of foreign powers. 

In all the agricultural states the collection of debts has been 
suspended, by direct law, by delay, replevin, or by a refusal 
of the courts to render judj^^ment ; or bills are now pending be- 
fore their legislatures for this purpose. You well know the e- 
vils which flow from a suspension of justice. — You know that 
it will take years to restore private confidence, and that every 
consumer or purchaser on credit, in the mean time must give 
an increased price, equal to an insurance against a similar evil. 
Would these measures be adopted imder less evils than you have 
experienced? With you the course of justice has not been im- 
peded, nor is it contemplated. Yet neither the bell of the auc- 
tioneer, nor the drum of the sheriff, have called you to witness 
the sacrifice of a citizen's property ; nor are your jails crowded 
with the unfortunate. 

It is said that an embargo as a measure of coercion is loo 
ridiculous to allow you to believe in the integrity of those who 
mainta n it. I do not pledge myself tor the success of the 
experiment; nor can my opinion be of any importance. But 
its efficiency is believed by many of our most enhghtened 
and virtuous citizens : and the belief originated with the fed- 
eralists. 

On the 22d of June, 17S9, Colonel Wadsworth, of Connec- 
ticut, an eminent merchant and a distinguished federalist, de- 
clared in Congress, while speaking of the means of forcing 
Great Britain to render justice to our commerce, that " his 
first object would be to interdict the trade which supplied the 
British dependencies with the necessaries of life. He was 
hold to say that Nova Scotia, the settlement founded by Britain, 
to rival the United States, could not exist without such aid : 
her West India settlements would also feel the want of our 
commerce, the whole body of her colonies would be clamor- 



22 

©us to regain tiie advantages thus suspended, and compel the 
mother country to adopt measures for their and our mutual 
convenience and interest : this he apprehended would be good 
policy and cvtvy how warrantable." (Debates, Vol. 2, p. 9 
ir & 18.) 

On the 12th of March, 1794, Judge Sedgwick, wliose charac- 
ter you all know, offered in Congress, resolutions to raise 15,000 
men, and to empower the President to lay an embargo. These 
grew out of the injuries offered by Great Britain. In his 
speech on this occasion, he remarked, " The reasons on which 
this idea of an embargo are founded, were that Great Britain can- 
not supply her West Indies, except from the United States ; 
if this is in any degree true in peaceable times, how much more 
forcibly must it operate now. They have a considerable milita- 
ry force there to feed ; in truth, without supplies from this coun- 
try they must mevitably abandon a project, with them a favour- 
ite one, the conquest of the French West Indies— in this situa- 
tion of affairs he believed it would be found proper to put into 
the hands of the President a power to lay this embargo, and in 
9^ moment to prevent all supplies going to the West Indies." 
With these views, as well as to secure our commerce from 
spoliations, President Washington laid an embargo. You will 
BOW decide whether to maintain this opinion is an evidence of 
insincerity and of a want of integrity. 

ideny the charge that government has artfully shaped the 
course of national affairs. It has laboured assidiously, and with 
no mean talent, to preserve and increase the general prosperity, 
and to advance every interest in the nation. When the present 
party came into power, they found the people shackled with th(; 
very laws and taxes which would be essential for their support in 
-case of interdicting foreign commerce — an alien law to send off 
foreign merchants — a sedition law to awe our merchants and 
others into silence ; and three classes of internal taxes, wiiltcv. 
cry necessary officer to enforce them. If they had contempla- 
ted the destruction of foreign commerce, they would not have 
repealed these laws, all the odium of these measures belonged to 
the preceding administration. 

The difference between creating and continuing a tax is too 
apparent to escape the most superficial politician ; and the idea 
of levying the necessary revenue on importations, when our for- 
eign commerce is annihilated, is too contemptible to be enter- 
tained by a parish constable. 

The act of government in repealing all internal taxes, and re- 
lying solely for revenue on our foreign comn\erce furnishes the 



23 

highest evidence possible of their determination to grant to tliat 
commerce every aid and support in their power. 

The embargo must necessarily be temporary ; it cannot en- 
dure for any considerable period ; and government will seize up- 
on the first fivvourable n\oment to produce a change of measures. 
Do you believe the farming interest design to raise their prod- 
uce to perish ? Do the states contemplate destroying the basis 
of private confidence, by preventing for any considerable time 
the regular course of justice ? Do they devise the ruin of the 
middle and lower classes, by an accumulation of interest ? Do 
the government design to operate without revenue or to procure 
it solely by loans ; Do they expect that the people will come 
willingly and put on the livery of slaves by renewing the excises 
which they lately tore from them so indignantly ? Or is your ex- 
ecutive prepared, in imitation of good king Codrus, to put spurs 
to the horse of state, and leap into the gulph ? 

If the principles of our nature teach us to rega?d and foster our 
own interests, and the interests of those who are nearest and 
dearest to us, if we have a right to infer from the situation of 
men what objects engross their highest solicitude and most 
vigilant attention — then I may say that there are a greater num- 
ber of distinguished citizens, now in power, who entertain all 
the mercantile sympathies and feel the deepest interest in our 
commercial prosperity, than have at any other time belonged to 
the government. 

The venerable Clinton resides in the first commercial city in 
the nation ; his real estate in that city constitutes a principal 
part of his wealth ; and the value of that property dependg pria- 
'cipally on the activity and success of commerce. 

The Secretary of War has for years been interested in navi- 
gation ; most of his connexions and friends have depended upon 
it for support ; and he mourns the loss of a beloved son, who was 
in the carrying trade. 

The Secretary of the Navy is the son of a distinguished mer- 
chant ; his father in-law, his brother, and all his kindred are 
now merchants ; no family ia America is, or has been in more 
extensive commerce ; and a considerable part of his income is 
derived from insurance stock. 

Can these gentlemen hate commerce ? Or will they support 
measures designed to effect its ruin ? No man can show me an 
equal portion of commercial feeling in any former administra- 
tion. 

fi The duties of the Secretary of the Treasury naturally lead him 
to cherish this interest ; unless he prefers the odium of devis- 
ing new and inconvenient taxes to the facilities of deriving our 



24 

revenues in the present manner — unless he wishes to exchange 
fame for the execration of this people. 

But I am prepared to answer the natural reply of the bigoted 
partizan. " It is not against these men that I level my denuncia- 
tion. — It is against your President and his successor." Patience 
sir ! You shall have an answer, and such an one, that if you re- 
gard truth, shall seal your lips in silence If the strength of your 
prejudicies will not allow you to acknowledge its sufficiency, the 
exercise of your discretion will induce you not to combat it. It 
shall not be a gasconade of words, or sentences artfully combin- 
ed to decoy your judgment by the sweetness of their cadence, or 
the smoothness of their periods. The subject does not require 
this nor do these powers belong to me. I cannot adorn- any 
subject with the flowers of oratory, nor dress it in the attire of 
literary eloquence, Itshalhbe plain truth in a home spundi^ess 
— bui not the worse for that. 

I ask the opposition for the evidence of Mr. Jefferson's dislike 
to commerce. Is it found in his messages, in his Notes on Vir- 
ginia, in his conduct as a foreign minister, as Secretar of State, 
as Vice-President, or President ? No ! In every in*- j where 
that subject has come before hnn, it is treated in a n» .ner which 
bespeaks a high regard for its protection and prosperity, and 
deep science in the mystery. 

It was he who opened the markets of France to our fishermen 
It was he who laid the foundation, to extend our commerce up 
the Mediterranean, 

It was he who nobly and ably maintained the modem law of 
nations — that free ships make free goods, and never yielded the 
point, lill,in the opinion of Washington, founded on the state of 
the nation, it had become necessary. 

It was he who always maintained the rights of our seamen, 
and resisted the right of search and impressment, as injurious 
to our citizens, and derogatory to our flag. 

It was he, who in his correspondence with the British and 
French ministers, vindicated our rights of commerce, in a man- 
ner which excited the admiration of EuropCjand forced applause 
from his opponents. 

it was he, who, with others on the 30th of .April, 1784, report- 
ed to Congress a resolution, requiring the states to enable Con- 
gress to limit the transportation of American products to Ameri- 
can bottoms for fifteen years. 

It is he, who now maintains, as he ever has, that the interests 
of this nation require a navigation act, which shall limit the ex- 
portation of American products to American bottoms ; and not 
as his enemies unjustly charge, to confine it to foreign bottoms. 



25 

An act which the state of tliis nation, with some exceptions and 
provisions, imperiously demands. 

It was lie,vvho in ir93,wiih other distinguished republicans of 
the south, offered to two mercantile members from New Eng- 
land, to aid, with their whole influence, the passage of such na- 
vigation act. This fact is now susceptible of proof. 

it was he, on whom, by the activity of Mr, Goodhue, of Mas- 
sachusetts, was devolved the duty of making a general report 
on our commerce, and suggesting the mode by which it could 
be secured and increased. An activity founded on the belief 
that his views were more liberal and less tinctured with prefer- 
ences tl^n those of another secretary. 

It was lie, who reported to Congress, on this, subject, on the 
16th day of December, 1793. This report furnishes of itself, 
conclusive proof of his regard for commerce, and of his opinion, 
that tho highest interests of this nation require that it should be 
maintained, cherished, and protected. 

In it he says, " our commerce is certainly of a character to 
entitle it to favour in most countries. The commodities we of- 
fer are either necessaries of life, or materials for nianufacture, 
or convenient subjects of revenue : and we take in exchange, 
cither manufactures, when they have received the last finish of 
art and industry, or mere luxuries " — " Free commerce and na- 
vigation are not to be given in exchange for restrictions or vex- 
ations : nor are they likely to produce a relaxation of them." 

" Our navigation involves still higher C07isiderations. As a 
branch of industry k is valuable : Out as a resource of defence es- 

.,^.KNTIAL.** 

" Its value as a branch of industry is enhanced by the depen- 
dence of so many branches on it. In times of geneial peace it 
multiplies competitors for employment in transportation, and so 
keeps that at its proper level ; and in times of war, that is to 
say, when those nations who may be our principal carriers, shall 
be at war with each ether, if we have not within ourselves the 
means of transportation, our produce must be exposed in beir 
ligerent vessels, at the increased expense of war freight, and in- 
surance, and the articles which will not bear that, must perish on 
our hands." 

" But it is as a resource fjr d'fence^ that our riavigation will admit 
izeithe^r neglect nor forbearance. The position and circumstances 
of the United States, leave them nothing to fear on their land- 
board, and notliing to desiVe beyond their present rights- But 
on their sea-board, they are open to injury, and they have there 
XOQ ?\, commerce rJjich ?misi 6c /irotcclcd* This can. only be done 



26 

by possessing; a rcspcciable body of citizen-«camen, aRd of art- 
ists andtstablishments in readiness for ship building." 

" If panicular nations grasp at undue shares, (of commerce) 
and more especially, if they seize on the means of the United 
States^^o convert them into aliment for their otju stre?igth, and with- 
draw them entirely Jrom the sufifiort of those to whom they belongs 
defensive and protecting measures become necessary on the part 
of the nation whose marine resources are thus invaded, or it will 
be disarmed of its defence : its firoductions will lie at the mercy of 
the nation which has possessed itself exclusively of the means of car- 
rying them, and its politics may be injiucnced by those who command 
Its commerce. The carriage of our own commodities, if once es- 
tabUshed in another channel, cannot be resumed the moment 
we desire. If we lose the stamen and artists whom it now oc- 
cupies, we lose the present means of marine defence, and time 
will be requisite to raise up others, when disgraces or losses shall 
bring home to our feelings the error of having abandoned them. 
The materials for maintaining our due share of navigation, are 
ours in abundance." (Pages 15, 16, 17.) 

He then proceeds to recommend discriminating duties, and 
a navigation act which shall secure to our citizens, against each 
nation, the same rights of navigation as each nation secures to 
her subjects ; and speaking of the restrictions of Great Britain 
on our commerce, he says, they have effected a loss " to us of 
near forty thousand tons of shipping." " This involves a pro- 
portionate loss of seamen, ship-vvrights, and ship-building, and 
is loo serious a loss to admit forbearance of some effectual rem- 
edy. 

Once more — 

It was he, who, as will be proved before this address is clos- 
ed, has been more liberal in his expenditure in aid of commerce 
than any other Executive. 

1 have purposely avoided referring to those interesting and 
enligiUcned discussions which of late have taken place, in vindi- 
Cittion of our commercial rights ; because they must be in the 
recollection of all. The same reason renders it unnecessary for 
nie to press upon your consideration this fact, that it is the inju- 
ry to our foreign commerce which at this moment excites prin- 
cipally the feelings of this nation, and that the determination to 
aid it produces in a degree her present sufferings. Though it 
ought to be remarked, that while every act of government evi- 
dences a determination to support this importi^nt interest, at least 
it is doubtful whether the mercantile section is right in claiming 
to diicct the mode. 

It only remains for me to shew, that every act of Mr. Madi- 



27 

son, ihe President elect, tends to prove in him a devotion to the 
reasonable support of the commercial interest. 

On a critical examination of the proceedings of our govern- 
ment, from its conKiiencement to the present day, truth enables 
me to aver, that instead of an aversion to, his every action has 
shown an uncommon regard for it ; and that the efforts of no 
one of its champions have exceeded his, or evidenced a warmer 
disposition in its favor. 

1 will trace l.ini from the time ht entered ih.e Virginia con- 
vention. 

In that he remarked, June 1 1th, 1788 ; " We should not be 
surprised in a short time to consider ourselves as a neutral na- 
tion — France on the one side, and (ireat Britain on the other. 
What is the situation ot America ? She is remote from fc>virope, 
and ought not to engage in her politics or wars, rhe American 
vessels, if they can do it with advantage, may carry on the com- 
merce of the contending nations. Jtisasourceofivcalth which 
we ought not to deny to our citizens. If it be known that our gov- 
ernment can command the whole resources of the nation, we 
shall be suffered to enjoy the great aduantagcs of carrying on the 
commerce of the nations at ivar ; for none of them would be will- 
ing to add us to the number of their enemies." (Deb. in Va. 
Con. 181 & 182.) 

Again, June 13th, 1788. '' If interest sir, should continue to 
operate on them, (the eastern states) I humbly conceive, that 
they will derive more advantage from holding the Mississippi, 
than even the southern states. For if the carrijing business be 
their natural /irovi?ice^ how can it be so much extended and ad- 
vanced, as by giving the encouragement to agriculture, in the 
-western country, and having the emokunent of carrying their 
produce to market ? The carrying trade must depend on agri- 
culture for its support, in a great, measure. In what place is ag- 
riculture so capable of improvement ai^d great extension as in the 
western country r * (page 246.) 

We next find him a member of the first Congress. On the 
eighth of April, 1789, he moved the discriminating duties m fa- 
vor of American tonnage and commerce. (Deb. in Con. Vol. 
l,p 15.) 

On the 9th of the same month, he remarked," the states that 
are most advanced in population, and ripe for manufactures, 
ought to have their particular interest attended to in some de- 
gree ; while these states retained tiie power of making regida- 
tions of tradcy they had the power to cherish and protect such 
institutions — by adopting the present constiluiion, they have 
^thrown the exercise of this power mKo other hands — they must 



28 

have done this with an expectation that those interests would not 
be neglected here.*' (Page 24.) The New England states 
are not nientioned,but here is a clear reference to their rights 
and i7ite rests. 

Page 26. — " If America was to leave her ports perfectly free 
and make no discrimi7iatioti between vessels owned by her citi- 
zens and those owned by foreigners, while other nations make 
this discrimination, ii is obvious that such policy would go to 
exclnde American shipping altogether from foreign ports, and 
she would be materially affected in one of her most imfiortant inter- 
csts : to this we may add another consideration, that by e7icour- 
■aging the means of transfiorting cur productions loith facility^ we 
encourage the raising them : and this object, I apprehend, is like- 
ly to be kept in view by the general government." 

April 15th, page 71. — He expressed an opinion against a du- 
ty on hemp and cordage, because it might discourage naviga- 
tion, " an object worthy of legislative attention^*' These ideas 
were enforced. (Page 79.) 

He says, pages 1 16 and 1 17, " I am a friend to commerce, 
and at the same time a friend to such regulations as are calcu- 
lated to promote our own interest on national principles." 
'* Trade then being restrained to an artificial channel, is not so 
advantageous to America as a direct intercourse would be , it 
becomes therefore the duty of those, to whose care the public 
interest and welfare are committed, to turn the tide to a more 
favourable direction." 

Speaking of the discriminating duties, pages 183 and 184, he 
says, " this sir I consider a sacrifice of interest to policy, the sac- 
rifice is but small, but I should not contend for it, if we did (not) 
stand in need of maritime improvements : was it not for the ne- 
cessity we are under of having some commercial strength, I 
should be an advocate for throwing wide open the doors of our 
commerce to all tiie world, and making no kind of discrimination 
in favor of our own citizens. But we have maritime dangers to 
guard against, and we can be secured from them in no other way 
ihan by having a navy and seamen of our own, these caii only be 
obtained by giving a fireference ^ 

Again, page 210, — " At present it (the transportation of our 
products) is almost exclusively in the hands of British merchants, 
and as long as their vessels are upon an equality with ours, they 
will naturally be inclined to give a preference to their own ; but 
I hojie soon to see this matter rectified^ and tlie citizens of one 
state enabled to assis^t those of another, and receive mutual ben- 
efits and advantages." 

He aided in the passage of the bill to -encourage your fisheries, 
February 9, 1792« 



29 

On the 3d of January, 1794, he moved a number of resolu- 
tions, among others, one to increase the duties on the manufac- 
tures and trade of the nations who iiarras:^ed our commerce — an- 
other to increase the duty on tiieir foieii^n tonnage ; and ihe last 
was m these words, '' Resolved, Fhat provision ought to be made 
for hquidating and ascertaining the losses sustained by citizens 
of the United States, from the operation of particular regulations 
of any country contravening the law of naiions, and tnat such 
losses be reimbursed in the first instance out of the additional 
duties on tl.e manufactures, productions and vessels of ilie na- 
tion establishing such unlawful regulations." In his speech he 
remarked that ''^ fhe nation is bound by the most sacred obligation^ 
he conceived^ to firotect the rights of its citizens against ihe viola- 
tion of them from any quarter ; or if they cannot protect^ they are 
bound to defray the damage'* — ^ We are bound to obtain reJmratio7i 
for the injustice^ or comfienate the damage,'* 

January 14. — Again he maintained that the necessity of at- 
tending to the coniiiiercial interest was acknowledged as early 
as our existence as a nation, and that our existing etitabU^hment 
arose from exfierience^ and it had been the firm belifof the fieofile 
that such regulation'} would be rnade ; and that "if we ciioose to 
adopt the principle of excluding other nations from our foreiga 
trade, in order to increase our maritime strength, tne nation 
might secure the carriage of our exports^ leaving to other na- 
tions the carriage of theirs." 

Finally, debating on Jay's treaty, April 9, 1795, he expressed 
himself as follows : " Wnen government came into operation it 
is well known tliat the American tonnage employed in ilie Brit- 
ish trade, bore the most inconsiderable proportion to ihe British 
tonnage — our laws have made several regulations hi favor of our 
own shipping, among which was the important encouragement, 
resulting from the ditf\;rence often per cent in the duties paid 
by the American and foreign vessels. Under this encourage- 
ment, the 'American tonnage has increased to a very respectable 
proportion to the Briush tonnage. If a nation choose, they may 
prohibit all trade between a colony and a foreign country, as 
they may between any other part of their dominions and a for- 
eign country. But if they permit such trade at all, it must be 
free to vessels on both sides, as well in the case of the colonies, 
as of any other p.irts of their dominions. 

Soon after this he retired from Congress, and had no further 
opportunity to express his opinions on this interesting subject 
until he became Secretary of State. In which ciraracter he has 
proved himself deeply skilled in its principle, and firm in the de- 
tennuiation to support its rigiUs, While ^he is charged with 
2^" 



5© 

seeking its ruin, it will not be forgotten, that he alone of all its 
advocates, after a mo^t laborious research, has submitted to his 
country and the world, its vindication, a lucid developement of 
its rights, and a conclusive refutation of theclaims of the Ijelli- 
gerents. 

1 miijhthere close the vindication of the administration, and 
the repulilican parly ; but the times are critical, and it is a duty 
to remove every plausible pretext of the opposition : to place 
the tfforts of the republicans on that high ground to which they 
are entitled, and whicii they are certain to occupy, when the 
passions of the moment have subsided. 

I have admitted that the commercial interests are entitled to 
protection, and I go further and say it is a sacred duty to yield 
them every reasonable support. 

The questions then are, Ist. What is a reasonable support ? 
2d. Has it been extended to them ? This admission precludes 
the idea of their being entitled to pre-eminent consideration. 
They constitute about one sixth part of our free population, in- 
cluding the various classes of citizens who are necessarily at- 
tached to, and dependent on them, for their sustenance. They 
add much to our wealth, industry, energy, and information ; 
but they do not increase our virtue, or our unity of sentiment, 
and they are injurious to the increase of our natural popula- 
tion. 

It is impossible to prescribe any precise rule by which to as- 
certain the portion of governmental attention to which they 
have a just claim. It therefore only remains to give a view of 
the aids and advantages they have derived from government. 

They have been fostered and aided by the following mea- 
sures : 

1st. An indirect bounty on the fisheries. 
2d. A discriminating duty of ten per cent in favor of their 
tonnage. 

3d. A drawback of the duties allowed on the exportation of 
imported merchandize. 

4th. Preventing, either by force or tribute, the Barbary 
powers from annoying our commerce. 

5th. Procuring redress for unjust captures, seizures, and con- 
demnations. 

6th. The extension of our commerce to couatries not in- our 
controul, either by commercial treaties or by gaining a domin- 
ion of the country. 

On all these points, the republicans have rendered as much 
service to the commercial interests as the federalists j and the 



31 

merchants are indebted to them for ti;e cascriiiiinarir.j^ duties, 
and for the whole commerce of tiie Mississippi. And — 

Ttiily. Tl»e expenses of foreri^n ministers, agents, consuls. 
Sec, &c. the navy establisliment, relief lo seaman, light houses, 
Sec, &c. 

This class of the aids and assistance afforded our merchants 
shall receive a full developement. 

By a critical examination of the laws of the United States it 
will appear (as I have f<Aind-) that exclusive oi three or four acts 
of appropriation, passed lo defray the expense of calling out the 
militia, that were not touched, as the militia were not called in- 
to service, there have been appropiiraed for the. civil list, the 
paymentof pensions, the fortifications of ports and harbors the 
commercial interest, and the war and navy dcpai tiDents, the 
sum of sixty nine millions four liundred and sixty thousand six 
hundred and eighty one dollars and eighty three cents, under 
the administrations of Washington, Adams and Jefferson. Of 
this sum, there have been paid fot* the navy department, the 
navy, naval armaments, light houses, beacons, buoys^, 8cc. for- 
eign intercourse, commissioners to liquidate commercial claims, 
commercial agents, relief of seamen, and as tribute, and to hum- 
ble the pirates of Africa-^all of which expenditures, except four 
questions of foi^ign intercourse, which related to territorial con- 
cerns, were for the relief and benefit of commerce, the sum of 
twenty eight millions forty four thousand seven hundred, and 
seventy seven dollars and ninety nine cents. Leaving the sum 
of forty one millions four hundred and fifteen thousand nine 
hundred and three dollars and eighty four cents, for all the other 
expenses of government, except some small sums for Indian 
treaties, and occasional grants for former claims, the payment 
of the interest and principal of the national debt, and the pur^ 
chase of Louisiana. 

Is there a reasonable man who will say that this expend- 
iture of more than twenty eight millions of dollars, for the sup- 
port of a class in society, embracing not more than one sixth 
of our free population, does not evidence a liberal attention to the 
commercial interest ? 

But government have not stopped here. There have been 
expended out of the forty one millions four hundred and fifteen 
thousand nine hundred and three dollars and eighty four cents, 
two millions one himdred and eighty three thousand six hun- 
dred and fifty four dollars, to fortify our ports and harbours. 
These fortifications were never designed to prevent the entering 
of an army into our territories — their only use is to prevent a 
fleet from appearing before our commercial towns, and laying 



32 

our merchants nr.dcr contribution. This sum ought therelore 
to be adtled to the expenditure in lavour of the commercial in- 
terest, and it increases the cliarge against that interest to ihuty 
milhons two liUndred and twenty eight thousand four hundred 
and thirty one dollars and ninety nine cents, and reduces the 
general expenditine to thirty nine millions two hundred and thir- 
ty two thousand two hundred and forty nine dollars and eighty 
four cents. Here anoilier consideration presses upon the mind. 
The commercial interest, in common with all the other niterests 
in society, has in all cases leceived an equal, and in some a su- 
perior advantage from the general expenditure ; wlule the other 
interests have received no direct benefit from ihe expenditure in 
.favor of that interest ; though they have doubtless derived many 
and great advant vges from the prosperity of our commerce. It 
'is just then to add to the direct expL-nditure in aid of the com- 
mercial interest, one sixth of the general expenditure. The re- 
sult is, there have been expended ior the commercial interest, 
which comprises one sixtl) of our free population, thirty six mil- 
lions seven hundred and sixty seven thousand one hundred and 
forty dollai's and twenty nine cents, and for the residue, being 
five sixths of the nation, thirty two millions six hundred and thir- 
ty nine thousand five hundred and forty one dollars and fifty 
four cents. Surely the people of Xew I.ngland W'ill not require 
higher evidence of the attention of government to their inter- 
est ! 

There are those who will be astonished at this view, among 
whom many may be found inclining to the belief that govern- 
ment has bestowed an undue proportion of its attention and rev- 
enue on commerce. Of this number I am not one — the policy 
has been useful, liberal, and dignified, and in my opinion will be 
continued. 

But the opposition tell us that commerce was fostered by 
Washington and Adams, and that it has been neglected and even 
strangled by the republican administration. 

It is possible that their passions in this, as in most other cas- 
es, may have led them into error. It is possible they might 
have been more useful to their country, if they h^d devoted 
more of their time to ftbtain a knowledge of national proceedings, 
and less in fulminating denunciations. 

A comparison of the expenditures under each of the admin- 
istrations, will conclusively settle this q.jestion. It will shew 
which of the administrations has bestowed most attention to this 
interest. 

Pursuing the classification of the expenditures before men- 
tioned, it will, on an examination of our laws, be found that diir- 



33 

mg the administration ol' Washington the^e were expemkd in 
aid of commerce and naval equipments the««im of three million* 
five hundred and thirty eight thousand one hundred and thirteen 
dollars and twelve cents, and under the head denominated gene* 
val expenditure, twelve millions seventy seven thousand nine 
hundred and forty six dollars and eighty two cents — In Mr Ad- 
ams' administration, for navy and commerce nine irtillions eigh- 
ty one thousand seven hundred and twenty five dollars and eigh- 
ty two cents, for general expenditure twelve millions two hun- 
dred and eight thousand three hundred and fifteen dollars and 
forty six cents. — While under Mr. Jefferson's administration 
tliere have been expended for navy and commerce fifteen mil- 
lions four hundred and twenty four thousand nine hundred and 
thirty nine dollars and five cents, and for general expenditure 
seventeen millions one hundred and twenty nine thousand six 
hundred and forty one dollars and forty six cents. 

It results from this investigation, and the opposition are invit- 
ed to point to an error of importance, that out of every thousand 
dollars of public expenditure, there were paid out for navy and 
commerce, under the administration 

Of Mr. Washington, g 226 

Of Mr. Adams, 426 

Of Mr. Jefferson, 473 

To this may be added that of the two millions one hundred 
and eighty three thousand six hundred and fifty four dollars, 
expended to fortify our ports and harbors, one million four 
hundred and fourteen thousand one hundred and twenty nine 
dollars, have been appropriated and expended under the Jeffer- 
son administration. 

The attention to commerce in the Jefferson, has exceeded 
what was bestowed by the Adams, and more than doubled what 
it received in the \\'"ashington administration. 

It may be objected that the gun-boat system is not in aid of 
the commercial Interest. I answer, it commenced with the Med- 
iterranean war, and v.'as introduced to humble the Tripolitans, 
It has been increased for the do\ible purpose of drivmg from our 
coasts and harbors those licensed piccaroons,who have been prin- 
cipally instrumental in harassing and plundering our commerce, 
and to protect our ports and harbors. But, if the appropriations 
which have been made for gun-boats since the attack on the 
Chesapeake, and an effort to fortify our ports and harbors,should 
be taken from the list of commercial, and added to the list of 
fortifying, or of general expenditure, then under the administra- 
tion of Mr. Jefferson, of every thousand dollars expended, four 
hundred and forty eiglit have been for tiie navy and commerce. 



34 

Yet we are told that the republicans are hostile to commerce, 
and that thishosliliiy is so great, tliat rebellion by the commer- 
cial section has become a virtue. We are invited to raise the 
standard of revolt ; to demolish the onlv republic on earth ; to 
imbrue our hands in the blood of our brethren ; and at the haz- 
ard of our own and our prosperity's happiness^, lo destroy that 
administration which has contributed most to make us happy, 
and with it, the union. It has been my study to avoid giving 
cause of offence, and to place tht subjects which have been dis- 
cussed, in their true light. This proves not only what has been 
done, but what we have a right to expect ; and much indeed shall 
1 be disappointed, if the expectation's be not realised 

There are other views of state and of national politics whicl 
merit consideration ; but at the moment they might not be inter 
esting, and they would swell this address to an inconvenient size 

I have reiched my last point, and I approach it with all iha. 
fear and trembhng tliat a subject so deeply interesting naturally 
inspires. The reflection that "tlus asylum of oppressed human 
ity," may be torn and rent asunder by civil conflict, chills my 
veins, and benumbs my faculties. When 1 recollect the threats 
of division and dismemberment which are loudly proclaimed 
and reflect on the state. of this nation and on your geographic^ 
position, I am almost in amazement . When in my mind, I ai 
tempt to assign ciuses for effects so extraordinary, they appea- 
to bear no proportion. W'hat are the evils under which you h • 
bor? It is not that you suffer-actual privations. It is not thi 
the hard hand of necessity forces you to over-leap all the rules < 
rational calculation, to obtain mimediate sustenance. — It is on) 
a temporory. necessary stagnation of prosperity, that injures yo 
with your brethren. 

Will you for this destroy that liberty which, in an emine , 
degree, was derived from your efforts ? It was you wrho invito 
the genius of liberty to come and dwell in this nation. It w 
you, who in her infincy, guarded her from danger, rocked h 
cradle, and nourished her with your blood. 

I will not describe the horrors cj' a civil war, where brotl : 
meets brother in battle — where the father whets his sword 
destroy his last hope, or the son dries the fountain of that ! 
from which he derived his existence ; nor attempt to pictUiv., 
those tragic events through which we must pass before this na- 
tion will be dismembered, or those wars which must afterwards 
ensue. But I will describe, and justly too, the pohtical eflectL 
which will follow such dismemberment. 

Beware how you trifle with your own, or the nation's happi- 
,ness. Beware lest impassioned partizans lead you to crimes, 



35 

and meanly forsake you in the hour of suffering, and humilia- 
tion. 

Your states, your corporations, and your citizens own between 
eleven and twelve millions of the funded debt, about one fi^'th 
of the whole, and nearly half of what is owned in America ; if 
you seperate, this will be forever lost. You also own one half 
of all the stock in the national bank, which stands to the credit 
of the citizens of this nation — this too will be lost. You are now 
a member of a great nation, capable, when replete with popula- 
tion, of calling as many energies into exercise, as all Kurope. 
If you separate you will become a small nation, with a power to 
the north and the north east, which in thirty years will be your 
superior, and one to the west and south west which now pos- 
sesses three times your strength. You are now, as a member 
of the nation, proprietors of more fertile land, west of the Alle- 
ghany, than all New England, which will furnish farvns for your 
josteriiy for a century ; you will then have to furnish a foreign 
,iation every forty years, with as much physical strength and ac- 
rive labor as you now possess, You now have nearly a whole 
continentj^o assist in defending your rights ; you will then have 
:.o defend them for yourselves against a great part of that conti- 
lent and all the rest of the world. You have now to bear only a 
>mall proportion of the expenses Qf a government ; ygu will then 
ave a civil government of your own to support, and, as you are 
\ commercial people, there will attach to you all the expenses 
jf maritime defence and foreign relations. You now have the 
trade ot the whole nation secured to you— the products of the 
j^ Atlantic states, and of the regions of the Mississippi and her tri- 
utary waters. A trade which will increase faster than your 
..leans to embrace it; which will stand unrivallttd. and find no 
.irallel in the scope of nature ; you will then in your commerce 
)e limited to a small sphere, with few resources, with fevv pro- 
!ucts to export, and be left to scramble in the commercial world 
or a mean and precarious existence. Do not plume yourselves 
••'ith the belief, that under a separation you will be the car- 
ters for North America. If you separate, a deadly hostility 
( will exist between you and the otlier states, and so far as they 
nay want foreign tonnage, which will not continue for many 
years, they will from motives of policy, give encouragement to 
those who are most remote, and vou will be wholly excluded 
from their commerce. Do not believe that you can from a last- 
ing connexion with lingldud ; she will soothe and caress you for 
the moment, but by her you will soon be deserted. It is your 
interests and youv pursuits that excite her hatred, and not the 
flour and tobaco of the middle, nor the cotton, rice, and indigo, of 



n6 

the soiUhern states; and the moment you are separated from 
Ihem, she bus every reason to become their friend, and even to 
purchase a right lo their commerce; by granting them a iVee 
trade to, while they»exchjde you from, the West Indies, andgpos- 
sibly by other concessions. 

If a separation should unfortunately take place, the period can- 
not be remote when the other stales will be in close friendship 
withEngland,and youwUUiave to seek forcommerce and friends 
on the continent of Europe. What have you to hope for there ? 
A temporary advantage, arrowing out of their immediate want of 
tonnage, which will speedily be supplied, and from time to time 
your shipping will be excluded from their ports, by recurring to 
the colonial system. 

W^ill you substitute advantages so precarious and uncertain 
for those which you possess- — incalculable in their extent, and 
interminable in 'their duration ? 

We live in an age wl)ich will excite the wonder, if not the un- 
belief of future generations.— It is not by the sword alone that 
thedts^'ciirbersofthe World's rcpose,whether I^'renr ' ' ^lish, 
achieve their votaries. In their train march civ; irty, 

suspicion, jealousy, and hatred. These are their 
when they have made a safe lodgment iu the de-- 
the miiin body of tjieir troo^ advance — a battle is tought^-»iUitl 
the nation ruuied. 

ALGRRNOX SKDNEY 



